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Reflections on China's earthquake
Chinese look at an outdoor exhibition in Beijing of photographs from the earthquake zone in Sichuan province. The disaster has generated unprecedented sympathy and donations from the Chinese people. (UPI Photo/Stephen Shaver)

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Shanghai, China — The earthquake that devastated China’s southwest province of Sichuan caused the deaths of at least 69,000 people, with 18,830 still counted as missing. Some 5 million are living in temporary shelters. The Chinese government is working with soldiers and volunteers, domestic and international, to deal with the injured and the displaced.

This tremendous natural disaster has in fact affected almost everyone in China, as hundreds of images of victims and rescuers, medical workers and refugees in tents have been transmitted by national media throughout the country, generating a huge outpouring of sympathy and donations for the victims.

More than three weeks after the earthquake, it is time to pause and reflect on the situation.

First, let us consider China’s authoritarian system. Even though the Cold War is long over, Western countries remain suspicious about China’s authoritarian system. In the 1990s, many people in the West expected China to go the way of Russia in adopting political reforms. Many anticipated a change in China’s one-party system.

In the context of Chinese society, however, the one-party system has demonstrated some advantages. It has allowed decisions to be made and implemented quickly, which has been significant in China’s rapid economic rise.

This was also important with regard to the rapid mobilization of the nation’s resources to respond to the earthquake. When a disaster occurs, the government must immediately adopt and implement a rescue strategy. In this case, there were survivors under the rubble in need of immediate assistance. There were also many wounded who would require medical attention.

The Chinese government immediately mobilized the People’s Liberation Army, sending thousands of soldiers to the scene of the earthquake within hours. It also contacted local authorities in the affected areas to take leadership. Premier Wen Jiabao demonstrated the responsible attitude expected of government leaders by going to the epicenter just hours after the quake.

China’s power structure is a pyramid, with the central government at the top and the grassroots village level at the base. When the disaster struck, the central government could immediately activate the system and mobilize all available resources to respond to the situation.

This unique system also allows the government to punish the irresponsible and reward pioneers in time of crisis. Any leaders at the provincial, county, town or village level who failed to do their duty in the rescue or reconstruction work would immediately be removed from their posts. On the other hand, those who performed well would immediately be praised or promoted. The Ministry of Public Security announced that those who performed well in the rescue work would be promoted without having to pass examinations or go through normal procedures.

The use of this reward-and-punishment system was reported in the course of the earthquake rescue work in Sichuan and Shaanxi provinces. At least six officials were immediately removed or demoted because of poor performance or improper behavior in response to the demands of this emergency. On the other hand, some people were promoted because of their outstanding response to the situation.

Local committees of the Chinese Communist Party also took this opportunity to expand their membership. Some people who displayed leadership or courage in the course of the rescue work were offered the opportunity to join the Party, with their membership approved on the spot.

Second, the preparedness of China’s military forces was tested by this disaster, in the sense that the PLA took frontline responsibility in handling the crisis. This disaster required the PLA to quickly mobilize its resources, including manpower, vehicles, technology and even its advanced information systems. Such preparedness would be essential in time of war.

Third, this disaster served to unify the Chinese people. People always tend to unite in times of crisis. They brush aside issues of power, prestige and publicity. Trivial matters and differences can be easily ironed out in the face of an emergency or crisis. Never before did a disaster create such unity and integration of the Chinese people. In the long term, this will play a role in bringing about social harmony.

Fourth, this disaster provided a good opportunity to bring leaders and people closer together. Chinese leaders gained a great deal of popularity during this time. Two hours after the quake, Premier Wen Jiabao went to the epicenter without considering his own safety. He helped supervise rescue and resettlement efforts. The passion in his voice and tears of sympathy he shed for the victims won the hearts of the Chinese people.

Even Western media captured the responsible and humane face of the Chinese leader. According to the New York Times, someone posted Wen Jiabao on the U.S. Internet site Facebook, where he was a popular hit. Overseas Chinese were also moved by the devotion of China’s top leaders.

President Hu Jintao and other leaders also paid visits to the disaster areas, showing their concern for the people’s lives and safety. According to news reports, when the Olympic torch relay was held in Jiangsu province, people in the crowd held up pictures of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. This may be the first time for Chinese people to do this since the time of Deng Xiaoping in the mid-1980s.

Overall, the Chinese government handled the crisis with an unprecedented level of transparency, urgency and efficiency – in great contrast to Myanmar’s response when Cyclone Nargis hit this poor state. The death toll from the cyclone and its aftermath is estimated at 120,000, with many more injured. Many of these deaths are attributed to the government’s failure to warn the people, its failure to provide adequate relief after the storm, and its total rejection of all foreign assistance. The government’s slow reaction and deliberate cover-up of the effects of the disaster multiplied the casualties from the storm.

The crisis also generated overwhelming amounts of aid from the international community. States, organizations and individuals are still helping China emerge from the crisis. This kind of assistance not only provided much-needed help, but also allowed healthier relationships to be built between the Chinese people and the international community.

Last but not least, through this experience the Chinese government learned important lessons and became more confident. China’s leaders opened up themselves and their actions, both to their own people and to international society, with only positive results. Thus, although the earthquake took many lives and shattered many others, wrenching the heart of the nation, the lessons it left behind may benefit the entire country in the long run.

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(Zhang Quanyi is an associate professor at the Zhejiang Wanli University in Ningbo, China, and a Ph.D. candidate at Shanghai International Studies University, studying policy making and collective identity. His research interests focus on conflict management and identity construction. He can be contacted at qyzhangupi@gmail.com. ©Copyright Zhang Quanyi.)














Food for thought at 35,000 feet
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