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Western observers have frequently lauded Thailand's so-called democratic elections on the one hand, and been amazed, on the other, by the plethora of coups that take place in the Land of Smiles, as well as by the number of constitutions that the country has conjured since 1932, when Siam became a constitutional monarchy.
Thailand has often been called the Land of Illusion. The political sphere is no exception, and yet, surely there must be something unique, something telltale, that will reveal to foreign political strategists and investors what it is that ails Thailand and just how stable a particular elected government is at a particular place in time -- such as the PPP here and now.
The city of Nakhonratchasima, during November 2006 parliamentary elections, was bound by law not to play favorites, but that did not stop it from plainly advocating that Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai was the right choice to make. The city's banner atop a community building used to instruct people on how to vote was accompanied by a TRT logo. No other party logos were in evidence. Outside the center several TRT vehicles were parked and TRT backers and musclemen were milling about. This one-sided campaign was overseen by former Nakhonratchasima major Dr. Cherdchai Chokerattanachai, who had earlier told this writer, "Our elections will be democratic."
Nakhonratchasima, also known as Korat, is Thailand's second largest city and located in the country's largest province. Known as the Gateway Province, it links Bangkok with the nineteen provinces of Thailand's northeast region by air, rail and car. Its central location lets Korat see most of the political glamour of Bangkok and also feel the pain of unfulfilled political promises made to get votes and put politicians into Parliament seats. Are Korat voters any more or less politically astute than those elsewhere in Thailand?
A visit to Korat's Election Commission office during the 2006 senatorial elections revealed that former Chatpattana Party leader Suwat Liptapanlop's wife, Khun Ying (Lady) Col. Poonphirom was running for a senate seat after her husband found himself among 111 Thai Rak Thai party officials barred from holding political office for five years, after the party was dissolved for wrongdoing. When local residents outside the Election Commission were asked who they were going to vote for, the answer was unanimous: "Suwat's wife." But when asked, "Does she have the qualifications?" the locals smiled and replied, "Who worries about qualifications -- she's Suwat's wife!"
Suwat and his partner-competitor in the former Chatpattana Party Korn Dhabarransri had both led the party. When it was dissolved to combine with Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai, both were awarded with lucrative political appointments. But the reward was offset by what many observers felt was a sell-out of local political allegiance to Thaksin on the one hand and a corresponding undermining of democracy in Thailand on the other. Thailand's political opposition parties have traditionally been important, but also flexible enough that the ruling party could control Parliament and the course of the country's finances.
The Democrat Party is Thailand's oldest. Its current young leader, Abhisit Vejjajiva, finds himself and his party alone against the coalition government -- which includes two parties that had publicly promised to join the Democrats in opposition. The leader of one, Banharn Silpa-Archa, said to be worth slightly less than US$95 million, was later described as an "eel" for slipping out of a principle-based commitment to democracy. In the past he was known as Mr. ATM for the ease with which he disbursed funds to buy voters and "make arrangements." Banharn had assured the Democrats that he would never again join with Thaksin or support him because of massive corruption and the great disappointment he had felt in his earlier support of the billionaire.
When the Thai military took power on Sept. 19, 2006, not only did it abrogate Thailand's popular and most legitimate Constitution ever, it professed to set up a reform structure that would rid the country of massive Thaksin-style corruption and lead to more respect by wayward politicians toward the monarchy. It promised to punish Thaksin, his family and cronies for alleged corruption and restore respect for human rights -- seen as undermined by TRT misadventures in the south, in the extrajudicial deaths of over 2,500 during the Thaksin anti-drug war, and in the clampdown against fair expression by Thai and international media.
But after the coup it quickly became evident that the overthrow was a lot less about corruption, restoration of human rights, freedom of the press and respect for the monarchy than it was a wrist-slapping gesture; that is, Thaksin and his party had gone too far in rocking the status-quo boat in Thailand. Thai social and political stability are maintained by traditional institutions working in a loose confederation to make sure each gets it share and no new player comes into the game. As one observer said, "The pie is not getting any bigger but more people want a slice."
Thus it was not a complete surprise when student-led democracy activists were literally massacred on Oct. 6, 1976 during demonstrations against the return of Thailand's infamous three dictators, Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn, Praphas Charusathien and Narong Kittikachorn. Thailand's ruling elite could not remain in control and allow that kind of democracy to bloom.
Unfortunately, here in 2008 that is still the case. Remaining in control was also uppermost in the minds of those who stood to lose on Sept. 19, 2006.
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(Frank G. Anderson is the Thailand representative of American Citizens Abroad. He was a U.S. Peace Corps volunteer to Thailand from 1965-67, working in community development. A freelance writer and founder of northeast Thailand's first local English language newspaper, the Korat Post -- www.thekoratpost.com -- he has spent over eight years in Thailand "embedded" with the local media. He has an MBA in information management and an associate degree in construction technology. ©Copyright Frank G. Anderson.)
